Young-Im Lee

This article investigates how anti-feminist movements transform male grievance into political influence, focusing on New Men's Solidarity (NMS), a YouTube influencer-based organization in South Korea. Despite persistent gender inequality, a growing number of young South Korean men view themselves as victims of gender discrimination. This discontent-particularly prominent among men in their 20s and 30s (the "2030 men")-has become a powerful electoral force, prompting mainstream parties to adopt anti-feminist rhetoric during the 2022 presidential election. I demonstrate that NMS plays a central role in organizing and amplifying this grievance through strategic framing that legitimizes male victimhood, demonizes feminism, and presents the group as moral defenders of "true" gender equality. By portraying feminists as an entrenched status quo and demanding the abolition of the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, NMS frames gender politics as a zero-sum battle over fairness, freedom, and social order. Their emotional appeals emphasize self-sacrifice, underdog heroism, and the protection of future generations. Different from existing studies which analyze digital anti-feminism from follower sentiment in the manosphere, this study shifts the analytical focus to the framing strategies of an anti-feminist group. Based on a qualitative content analysis of 76 YouTube videos produced by NMS during South Korea's 2022 presidential election campaign period, this article reveals how influencer-led digital anti-feminist movements translate affective discontent into coordinated political action.

Can grading practices and course policies reduce achievement gaps in higher education? This study examines whether course-level grading policies are associated with student success and equity outcomes in Political Science. We analyzed syllabi from 197 undergraduate course sections at a four-year regional public university across three semesters (Fall 2019, 2020, and 2022). Using OLS regression, we assessed how grading policies, instructor characteristics, and the COVID-19 pandemic correlate with DFW rates and equity gaps between underrepresented (URM) and nonunderrepresented minority (non-URM) students. Most grading practices were not significantly associated with DFW rates or equity gaps. Sections taught by lecturers had higher pass rates than those taught by tenure-track faculty, but equity gaps remained unchanged. Failure rates were slightly higher during the pandemic, but the difference was not statistically significant. Notably, penalties for absence were associated with higher pass rates overall but widened equity gaps, disproportionately benefiting non-URM students. This finding does not suggest that attendance is unimportant; rather, the pattern reflects broader structural barriers that affect students' ability to engage in learning. We conclude that reducing achievement gaps requires addressing structural inequities rather than treating them as issues that can be resolved solely through individual instructors' pedagogical choices.

When the first female president of a country is impeached, how does the disgraceful exit shape people's memory of her? Does sexism play a role in such retrospective evaluations? Do the voters who supported her remain loyal, or do they withdraw their support due to disappointment? This article utilizes the impeachment of Park Geun-hye of South Korea as a case to answer these questions. Using a public opinion survey conducted three years after the 2016 impeachment, I demonstrate that hostile sexism played a role in the negative retrospective evaluations of Park, while benevolent sexism did not. Moreover, those who voted for Park in the 2012 presidential election expressed more negative retrospective evaluations of Park than those who did not vote for her, suggesting a backlash effect. Voters who had high expectations of the first female president could experience deep disappointment when the historic first failed to meet their expectations.

Abstract What is the impact on symbolic representation of female leaders who are seen as failures? Do women from political dynasties elicit symbolic representation? I answer these questions by analyzing how Park Geun-hye’s election as the first woman president of South Korea and her subsequent impeachment shaped voters’ perceptions of women’s potential and contribution as political leaders. Utilizing an original survey and focus groups, I argue that South Korean voters overall did not recognize Park’s election as the country’s first female president as a symbol of women’s political empowerment because of her dynastic background and her failure to promote women-friendly policies. Although she received credit for being the historic first, women across the political spectrum were concerned that the epic failure of the first female president would reinforce voters’ reluctance to vote for women. This study emphasizes the importance of adopting an intersectional approach in studying symbolic representation.

Tsai Ing-wen was elected as the first woman president of Taiwan in 2016 and re-elected in 2020. Did the prospect of “the first woman president” shape the expectations of the changes she may bring about regarding women and lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and queer (LGBTQ) rights? Analyzing 35 in-depth elite interviews, this paper demonstrates Tsai’s campaign did not benefit much from “the first woman” slogan, her cabinet included fewer women than her predecessors’, and she could not proactively push for marriage equality after the elections. Tsai’s case illuminates the constraints women leaders face in promoting representation for marginalized groups.

If gender quotas are applied to only one tier in a mixed-member majoritarian system, do we see a spillover effect of an increased proportion of women in the other tier? Based on statistical analysis of national legislative elections in South Korea from 1988 to 2016, this study casts doubt on the validity of the pipeline theory. The analysis shows that South Korea's gender quota has been achieving its primary goal of the political empowerment of women since its adoption in 2004, but with weak inter-tier contagion effect. In-depth interviews reveal the unique culture of the National Assembly and political parties which deem district-tier seats more prestigious than PR seats, and the informal practice of disadvantageous candidate district assignments lead to PR members having a hard time continuing their political careers once their terms as PR members are over.

What influences strategic voting? This paper evaluates the influence of two often overlooked factors: the gender of the candidates and the nomination process. Through our experimental design using South Korea as a case study, we find strategic voting to be less common than conventional wisdom would expect. Furthermore, our findings show that both gender and nomination paths influence voting behaviour, with implications for efforts to promote gender equity.

This article explores the first female president of South Korea, Park Geun-Hye, and her substantive representation of women. Though Park is one of many women executives from Asia taking the family route to power, her presidency still may lead to the implementation of women-friendly policies once elected. Park's government has expanded women-related policy areas first developed by previous progressive governments, but not consistently. Though mixed, her performance shows improvement over the previous conservative president, who shares Park's party affiliation. Since we can control for partisanship, Park administration's efforts on behalf of women prove particularly compelling. While advantaged by her political lineage, her government offers important policy benefits to women.

This paper examines the role of gender and familial ties in Park Geun-Hye's political trajectory to become the first female president of South Korea. Even though her entry into politics was heavily indebted to her kinship ties to her father Park Jung-Hee, an authoritarian leader who led South Korea from 1963 to 1979, she has consolidated her position within the party and among Korean voters as a viable, competent politician over the last fifteen years. Analyzing Korean news reports, campaign pamphlets, and her autobiography, this study reveals that Park used stereotypes of women as problem solvers in difficult times to open doors for her political entry. During the presidential campaign in 2012, Park was adept at stressing her positive "feminine" traits, overcoming the perceived weaknesses of female politicians by emphasizing her long political credentials and strengths in diplomacy and national security issues. Park presented herself as the embodiment of both change and experience through her campaign slogan "the well-prepared female president" and the public reacted favorably to the appeal.