Young-Im Lee

This article investigates how anti-feminist movements transform male grievance into political influence, focusing on New Men's Solidarity (NMS), a YouTube influencer-based organization in South Korea. Despite persistent gender inequality, a growing number of young South Korean men view themselves as victims of gender discrimination. This discontent-particularly prominent among men in their 20s and 30s (the "2030 men")-has become a powerful electoral force, prompting mainstream parties to adopt anti-feminist rhetoric during the 2022 presidential election. I demonstrate that NMS plays a central role in organizing and amplifying this grievance through strategic framing that legitimizes male victimhood, demonizes feminism, and presents the group as moral defenders of "true" gender equality. By portraying feminists as an entrenched status quo and demanding the abolition of the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, NMS frames gender politics as a zero-sum battle over fairness, freedom, and social order. Their emotional appeals emphasize self-sacrifice, underdog heroism, and the protection of future generations. Different from existing studies which analyze digital anti-feminism from follower sentiment in the manosphere, this study shifts the analytical focus to the framing strategies of an anti-feminist group. Based on a qualitative content analysis of 76 YouTube videos produced by NMS during South Korea's 2022 presidential election campaign period, this article reveals how influencer-led digital anti-feminist movements translate affective discontent into coordinated political action.

4B movement, South Korean feminist activist movement and political stance defined by four deliberate refusals: bihon (“no marriage”), bichulsan (“no childbirth”), biyonae (“no dating”), bisekseu (“no sex [with men]”). These “four nos” constitute a radical rejection of the heteronormative, patriarchal life script traditionally prescribed for women in South Korean society. While the exact starting point of the movement is difficult to trace, it is generally understood to have emerged about 2015–16, gaining traction through digital communities and young feminist organizing.

Distinct from involuntary singlehood or the avoidance of childbirth due to economic precarity or other external constraints, 4B represents women’s deliberate withdrawal from patriarchal institutions, such as the nuclear family and heterosexual relationships, and a commitment to reshaping their lives around alternative forms of safety, solidarity, and personal autonomy. As scholar Gong Yeon-Hwa notes in her 2021 journal article “Escaping from the Class of ‘Women’: Reading the 4B Movement from Korea with the Theories of Monique Wittig,” this refusal extends into the symbolic and sexual economy of heterosexuality, with some participants forming lesbian relationships as acts of resistance—a complete departure from the normative life paths prescribed by patriarchy and the male gaze.

Can grading practices and course policies reduce achievement gaps in higher education? This study examines whether course-level grading policies are associated with student success and equity outcomes in Political Science. We analyzed syllabi from 197 undergraduate course sections at a four-year regional public university across three semesters (Fall 2019, 2020, and 2022). Using OLS regression, we assessed how grading policies, instructor characteristics, and the COVID-19 pandemic correlate with DFW rates and equity gaps between underrepresented (URM) and nonunderrepresented minority (non-URM) students. Most grading practices were not significantly associated with DFW rates or equity gaps. Sections taught by lecturers had higher pass rates than those taught by tenure-track faculty, but equity gaps remained unchanged. Failure rates were slightly higher during the pandemic, but the difference was not statistically significant. Notably, penalties for absence were associated with higher pass rates overall but widened equity gaps, disproportionately benefiting non-URM students. This finding does not suggest that attendance is unimportant; rather, the pattern reflects broader structural barriers that affect students' ability to engage in learning. We conclude that reducing achievement gaps requires addressing structural inequities rather than treating them as issues that can be resolved solely through individual instructors' pedagogical choices.

President Lee inherits a polarized diplomatic landscape. His predecessors pursued divergent paths: Moon Jae-in (2017-2022) sought a balancing act between the U.S. and China while facing setbacks in Seoul–Tokyo relations, whereas Yoon Suk-yeol (2022-2025) aligned closely with the U.S. and Japan. In contrast, Lee has signaled a shift toward pragmatic diplomacy, prioritizing national interest over ideological alignment.